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Editors --- "Building on Land Rights for the Next Generation. Report of the Review of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 - Digest" [1999] AUIndigLawRpr 6; (1999) 4(1) Australian Indigenous Law Reporter 136


Building on Land Rights for the Next Generation.
Report of the Review of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976

August 1998

On 16 July 1997, the Federal Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, Dr John Herron, announced a review of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (Cth) and terms of reference. The review was conducted over a nine month period between November 1997 and July 1998 by John Reeves QC, a Darwin solicitor, and made use of extensive oral and written submissions. The report was tabled in Federal Parliament on 20 August 1998. After the Federal election in October, the report was referred in December 1998 to the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs, for response within six months. Submissions to the Standing Committee were due by 12 March 1999.

This was the first comprehensive review of the Act since Justice Toohey's review in 1983. [1] Unlike previous reviews, Reeves' proposals are designed to radically transform the Act, and have generated considerable controversy. The report is nearly 1000 pages long, including lengthy appendices, and only the introduction and synopsis are reproduced here. The report is the subject of the Commentary in this edition of AILR.

Synopsis

The direction of reform

This report is the product of a comprehensive review of the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (the Act). It is the first comprehensive review of the Act since Justice Toohey's review in 1983. Justice Toohey reviewed the first seven years of the operations of the Act when the land claims process was relatively young and when the institutions formed under the Act were relatively new.

The present review has been conducted in very different circumstances. About 42 per cent of the Northern Territory has now been granted to Aboriginal Land Trusts for the benefit of Aboriginal people; the land claims process is nearing completion; and the two large Land Councils have become substantial bureaucracies filling roles and functions beyond those originally intended.

There can be no doubt the Act has had many positive results for Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory. It has returned much of their traditional land to them and helped to enrich their culture and rebuild their confidence as a people.

However, the Act has produced some negative results as well. These were highlighted during this review. The most fundamental source of these in the Act is the linking of Aboriginal tradition with statutory controls over, and benefits flowing from, Aboriginal land, through a statutory definition of 'traditional Aboriginal owners'. This scheme has undermined Aboriginal self-determination in relation to Aboriginal tradition and the control of traditional lands. If Aboriginal self-determination has any meaning at all, it must apply first and foremost to the processes and practices of Aboriginal tradition and the effective control, by Aboriginal people, of their lands.

This scheme has had other negative results. It has given rise to many disputes about traditional Aboriginal ownership, as defined in the Act, and the individual rights and benefits associated therewith. These individual rights and benefits are incongruous with the general scheme of the Act. Under the Act, Aboriginal lands are not held privately by traditional Aboriginal owners, or other individuals, but by Land Trusts, collectively, for the wider Aboriginal community that is entitled to use and occupy Aboriginal land.

At least three other negative results of the Act were highlighted during this review. Firstly, the monies received under the Act have not been strategically applied to the social and economic advancement of the Aboriginal people of the Northern Territory as a whole. These monies have largely been dissipated in Land Council administrative costs and cash payments to individual Aborigines in particular areas of the Territory.

Secondly, a strident, oppositional political culture has developed in the Northern Territory with respect to Aboriginal land rights. The main players have been the two large Land Councils and the Northern Territory Government. Wherever the fault may lie, the absence of a productive partnership between the Northern Territory Government and Aboriginal people and their institutions, especially the two large Land Councils, has been to the detriment of the people of the Northern Territory, and, especially, of Aboriginal Territorians.

Finally, the processes and procedures set out in the Act, in particular the 'go-between' status of the Land Councils and the requirement to obtain a permit to enter Aboriginal land, have imposed unnecessary costs on Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Territorians alike. These processes and procedures have, for example, increased the costs for the mining and other industries, and restricted access by non-Aboriginal Territorians to almost a half the land mass of the Northern Territory and about 80 per cent of its coastline.

In considering what reforms might be made to address these negative results I have had to consider how such reforms can be made while preserving the benefits that have been achieved. I have also been mindful that changes normally come at some cost and that these costs need to be weighed against the likely benefits such reforms will produce.

It is in the belief that reforms can be made that will build on what has been achieved for the lasting benefit of the Aboriginal people of the Northern Territory, particularly the next generation, and the whole of the Northern Territory, that I have recommended that substantial and far reaching changes be made to the Act.

These reforms are intended to address the negative results of the Act referred to above whilst retaining the very real benefits. They can be reduced to the following very broad summary:

The details of these proposals, and the ways in which I recommend they interact, are set out in the body of this report.

As the title to this report suggests, it is aimed at the next generation of Aboriginal Territorians - the young people living in settlements, on out-stations and in towns in the Northern Territory. They will soon jointly inherit vast areas of Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory, and a strong and vibrant Aboriginal culture. However, they will also inherit profound and deepening social and economic problems. The reforms I have proposed will maintain and strengthen their long-term security with respect to their culture and their traditional lands, and offer them the opportunity to achieve better social and economic outcomes than their parents have been able to.

The principal findings and recommendations

The principal findings and recommendations of this review are set out below by term of reference and chapter number.

I. The effectiveness of the legislation in achieving its purposes

Findings in Chapter 4

Recommendations in Chapter 4

II. The impact of the legislation in terms of social, cultural and economic costs and benefits

Findings in Chapter 25

Costs and benefits of the Act for Aboriginal Territorians

Costs and benefits of the Act for other Territorians

Costs and benefits of the Act for the pastoral industry

Costs and benefits of the Land Rights Act for the mining industry

Costs and benefits of the Land Rights Act for the tourism industry

Costs and benefits of the Act for other industries

Costs and benefits of the Act for the Northern Territory - a summing up

Land rights and Aboriginal economic advancement in the future

III. The operation of the exploration and mining provisions

Findings in Chapter 24

Recommendations in Chapter 24

IV. Operations of the Aboriginal Benefits Reserve (ABR) (formerly the ABTA) including the distribution of payments out of the trust account

and

V. Operations of the Royalty Associations and their reporting requirements

Findings in Chapter 16

Recommendations in Chapter 16

Recommendations in Chapter 28

V. Compulsory acquisition powers over Aboriginal land

Findings in Chapter 17

Recommendations in Chapter 17

The Act should be amended by repealing ss 67 and 68 and by inserting, in Pt VII, a new s 67 along the following lines:

1. Subject to subs (2) and (3), notwithstanding anything in this Act, including s 71, or any other Act, save for the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth), the Northern Territory Government may compulsorily acquire an estate or interest in Aboriginal land or in land the subject of an application of the kind referred to in s 50(1)(a), other than the freehold interest, for public purposes provided that the nature and extent of the estate or interest shall be limited to that necessary for the public purpose concerned.

2. An estate or interest in Aboriginal land or land the subject of an application of the kind referred to in s 50(1)(a) can not be compulsorily acquired except by an Act of the Northern Territory Parliament that expressly provides for that acquisition.

3. Prior to any compulsory acquisition of an estate or interest in Aboriginal land or land the subject of an application of the kind referred to in s 50(1)(a), and within the period prescribed by the regulations, the Northern Territory Government shall:

(a) notify the relevant RLC in writing as to the area of the land affected, the nature of the estate or interest that is to be compulsorily acquired, the purpose of the acquisition, and the alternative courses which have been considered; and

(b) allow the relevant RLC, reasonable access to all documents held and advice received relevant to the proposed acquisition.

4. In relation to the acquisition of an estate or interest in land the subject of an application of the kind referred to in
s 50(1)(a), any compensation payable shall be held in trust, in accordance with the regulations, pending the final disposition of the claim in accordance with s 67A(5).

Application of NT laws to Aboriginal land

Findings in Chapter 18

There are some practical problems with the application of some Northern Territory laws, for example the Local Government Act, and some genuine, perceived problems with the application of others, for example the Water Act. However, any reform must recognise and protect the rights of Aboriginal people to use their land in accordance with Aboriginal tradition. The primary question is whether those rights should be absolute. In my view they should not be. They must give way to laws that protect the rights and interests of the broader community on issues such as the supply of essential services and conservation of the environment.

Recommendations in Chapter 18

Subject to subs (4) to (6), the laws of the Northern Territory made pursuant to ss 67 and 73 or laws of the Northern Territory, including delegated laws, with respect to environmental protection and conservation, public health and safety, the supply of essential services, the maintenance of law and order, or the administration of justice shall apply in relation to Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory.

In the application of a law of the Northern Territory described in subs (3) in relation to Aboriginal land, all reasonable steps shall be taken to minimise any negative effects on the use or occupation of the land pursuant to subs (1).

The application of a law of the Northern Territory described in subs (3) in relation to Aboriginal land does not affect the right to use or occupy land in accordance with subs (1), other than to the extent that that use or occupation is directly inconsistent with the effective operation of the law of the Northern Territory.

Any law of the Northern Territory other than a law of the Northern Territory described in subs (3) applies to Aboriginal land other than to the extent that that law is directly inconsistent with this Act.

In this section the term 'charges' includes, but is not limited to, the cost of fencing which is due and payable in relation to Aboriginal land pursuant to a law of the Northern Territory or the Commonwealth.

VI. Role, structure and resource needs of the Land Councils following the coming into effect of the sunset clause relating to land claims

Finding in Chapter 6

The two large Land Councils have been successful in developing their political role and in preparing and presenting land claims under the Act. They have not been so successful in performing other aspects of their representative role under the Act. They are perceived to be bureaucratic, remote, tardy and uninterested in local Aboriginal problems. The two small Land Councils are much closer to the constituencies they serve. They do not operate with large centralised bureaucracies. They appear to perform their functions following their own view of Aboriginal tradition. They appear to operate more pragmatically, with less formality and with much more flexibility in performing their functions.

Findings in Chapter 7

An adequate basis for Aboriginal land rights needs to accommodate both the local and the regional interests, and the fact that regional cultures and ways of life are maintained at regional levels.

The present scheme of the Act, in which traditional Aboriginal ownership is the centrepiece, places paramount importance on the spiritual relationships of local descent groups to sites on land. These are not units of land 'ownership', land use, domestic units or political bodies. Nor are they in any sense self-sufficient in the performance of Aboriginal ceremonies. Although the current system grants land for Aborigines entitled by Aboriginal tradition to the use or occupation of the land, in practice this has little application. Traditional Aboriginal owners have the ultimate control of land (conditional on the cooperation of the Land Council) and they are even entitled to receive monies arising from rents on that land. The importance of regional populations as the level at which Aboriginal culture is reproduced and at which the land was occupied, used and 'owned', has not been acknowledged in the current scheme of the Act.

The current Act scheme did not, and does not, adequately reflect either the state of anthropological knowledge, or the reality, of traditional Aboriginal processes and practices in relation to the control of land.

Findings in Chapter 10

The focus on statutory traditional Aboriginal ownership within the bureaucratic and legalistic framework of the two large Land Councils has led to irreconcilable disputes about traditional Aboriginal ownership. Disputes with respect to similar issues among the constituencies of the smaller Land Councils had not become entrenched in this way. The key reason, in my view, is that the smaller Land Councils have tended to merge the identification of traditional Aboriginal ownership within their representative structures and they have taken a pragmatic and flexible approach to it.

As well as being faced with irreconcilable disputes in relation to their responsibilities to traditional Aboriginal owners, the representative structures of the large Land Councils have also come under attack from breakaway Land Council movements. These movements have sought greater self-determination in relation to the control of traditional lands within their regions. At the same time, they have made claims for autonomy based on their having better foundations in the Aboriginal traditions of their regions.

For these reasons there is a need for reform of the existing scheme of the Act. This reform has to involve:

Recommendations in Chapter 10

Recommendations in Chapter 27

IX. Any other matters relevant to the operation of the Act

Background to the Review - Chapter 1

Findings

Aboriginal land rights compared - Chapter 3

Findings

The affirmation of rights over land has been a developing process internationally - some of it voluntarily undertaken on the part of governments wishing to make amends for past injustices, and some of it flowing from court decisions.

When compared with the approach taken in other jurisdictions in Australia and elsewhere around the world, the Act provides one of the most far reaching systems for granting Aboriginal traditional lands and one of the strongest systems for protecting the traditional rights of Aboriginal people in their land. The most significant area in which the Act is not so beneficial is that it does not, and was not intended to, provide Aboriginal people with economic, or needs-related entitlements, such as mineral rights, commercial fishing rights, or rights to commercially harvest native fauna.

Definition of traditional Aboriginal owners - Chapter 8

Findings

From early in the land claims process Aboriginal Land Commissioners approached their task, not as an exercise in anthropology, but on the basis that the definition of traditional Aboriginal owners in the Act was expressed in ordinary English words and was not a technical term of anthropology. On this basis, they were able, somewhat pragmatically, to identify a broad range of different kinds of groupings and relationships to land in different parts of the Northern Territory, as falling within the definition of traditional Aboriginal owners in the Act.

Recommendations

The definition of traditional Aboriginal owners in the Act should be retained for the purposes of the remaining land claims under the Act.

Outstanding land claims - Chapter 11

Findings

Recommendations

Banks and beds of rivers

Intertidal zone

Seas and sea beds

Conservation Land Corporation/Northern Territory Land Corporation land

Other matters

Land claims procedures - Chapter 12

Settlement of outstanding claims

Other matters

Sacred sites - Chapter 13

Findings

Recommendations

Permits and access - Chapter 14

Findings

Recommendations

Statehood and related matters - Chapter 19

Findings

Recommendations

Findings

Recommendations

The Native Title Act should be amended to provide that:

Inalienable title and land trusts - Chapter 21

Findings

Recommendations

Role of the Minister - Chapter 22

Findings

Recommendations

That the Act should be amended so that all the existing ministerial consents, approvals, permissions and the like are removed.

That consideration should be given to having the minister delegate some, or all of his functions under the Act, to the relevant minister in the Northern Territory Government.

Sundry other matters - Chapter 23

Findings

Recommendations

Endnotes

1 [Attachment 5 includes issues which should be given consideration when investigating possibilities for regional authorities. It includes matters such as the relationship between a regional authority and other bodies such as regional councils, government departments, ATSIC and portfolio agencies such as the Commercial Development Corporation and the Indigenous land Corporation, and bodies established under other legislation such as Native Title Representative Bodies. Attachment 5 also lists matters relating to the powers and functions of regional authorities, accountability arrangements for regional authorities, election of boards for such authorities and their funding.]

2 [Attachment 2 includes 24 recommendations and an additional 11 matters which were considered in a prior discussion paper but which did not progress for further consideration in the final Review Report. Many of the recommendations in attachment 2 are of a technical nature correcting inadvertent limitations on powers or obsolete powers which pertained to the transition between the former DAA and ATSIC. Some of the proposed amendments have important implications including impacts on: the capacity of regional councils to fund land purchases (rec 2), delegation of powers to regional councils and others (recs 7 and 16), payment by the Commission for incidental program-related costs (rec 13), capacity to appoint committees and sub-committees (recs 1 and 17), powers to legally transfer programs to other agencies (rec 24), amongst other matters.]


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